A. Is the university actually qualified to deal with sexual assault?
B. Silbaugh, Katherine. "Reactive to Proactive: Title IX's Unrealized Capacity to Prevent Sexual Assault." EBSCO. Boston University Law Review, 1 May 2015. Web.
This was by far one of the best texts I've ever read concerning this topic. The author looks at Title IX and its origins/functions and explores how to properly prevent- as opposed to simply treat after the fact- sexual assault on campus. Silbaugh explains that there are two available approaches to dealing with sexual violence: law-enforcement and public health. Herein lies the innate problem with the setup for Title IX. Because of its foundation and ties with the Department of Education, Title IX is forced to take a law-enforcement approach. That is, instead of working to prevent sexual violence from ever occurring, it focuses heavily on addressing acts which have already been committed. Even more dire, many colleges are not properly equipped for the role they are called upon to complete: often those making decisions on the matter, despite levels of training and education, are not lawyers and are unfamiliar with legalities that surround a crime such as sexual assault.
It is interesting that Title IX doesn't take on a public-health approach, as suggested in the text. After all-- we are talking about public universities. This final article plays nicely with questions I've brought up previously. Now, instead of asking what external factors in population contribute to campus sexual assault rates, I'm asking: is the university actually properly prepared to deal with this issue? After all, multiple issues have been brought up along the way. Inability to educate, prepare, and protect students have all been discussed. Perhaps the root problem is not in the details of how the university deals with it, but instead the actual nature of it. The university can't actually stop sexual assault from happening until it begins working completely and fully preventing the crime to the best of its abilities. No, the likelihood of extinguishing rape from society and college campus is very slim. But the university can do its role of establishing a safe environment by focusing on preventing sexual violence before it happens, instead of after.
-- because (public) colleges are public institutions, they innately think better in 'public health' terms and must be allowed to address sexual assault in that way
Wednesday, May 11, 2016
Brittany Kurtz Source 4
A. What is the other side to the story? Is the rape epidemic truly an epidemic? How valid are the claims?
B. French, David. "The Campus-Rape Lie." Academic Search Elite [EBSCO]. N.p., 6 July 2015. Web.
This was an interesting read, to say the least. French combats the attack on campus assailants with an arsenal of counter-statistics and logic. He argues that there is no 'rape crisis' or even a 'rape culture', There is simply a large number of radicals 'Lefts' who are jumping on the rape epidemic bandwagon as a new source of passionate activism. French explains how largely-cited statistics are not reliable and that true numbers related to campus rape are far lower than widely advertised. In addition, he advocates for innocent male victims who are denied due process and charged with sexual crimes that ruin careers and lives-- on the basis of preponderance of evidence, as often decided by school staff.
This article was written with passion, and even if I cannot fully agree with its content, I respect the argumentative nature of the author. I think that it's important to take much of what French is saying with a grain of salt. Many of his points are dual-ended, with him only exploring one side (perhaps because he feels that liberal media has done a sufficient job with the other viewpoints; nonetheless...). For example, French states that there is no rape crisis because there's been a consistent decline in reported assaults since 1997 (31). Just because there's a decrease, however, doesn't mean a problem has disappeared; the crime is still being committed. Many of statistics stem from very blurry lines on exactly what crime they are addressing. Although all are sexual crimes, rape, sexual assault, harassment, or misconduct, dating violence, sodomy- all of these distinctions affect the statistics. Actual rape (by the legal definition) may not be as frequently committed as sexual misconduct; thus some statistics can be used more favorably than others. Another arguing point that French spun concerned the famous "1 in 5" statistic, stating that nearly 20% of women will be sexually assaulted during their undergraduate college career. This is commonly cited in awareness campaigns across campuses. French points out that the own administrators of this study warn against using the statistic to draw any conclusions. The study was given to only two colleges and was administered online, without many guidelines. The Department of Justice produced a more reliable and more valid survey that produced a statistic of 6.1 rapes per 1,000-- this, however, did not include other sexual crimes, whereas the previous study did.
Although this article doesn't fully expand properly on several points, it does start a good conversation. It must be difficult for university administrators to dance the delicate line between serving justice to both the alleged victims and the accused, especially when governmental agencies are demanding crackdowns left and right. Is this really the university's job though? It is certainly important for universities to do all they can to prevent such an atrocity from happening to its students; but once the crime has been committed, shouldn't higher, more fit authorities become involved? The previous articles would dismiss this text as a manifestation of men's rights and the endorsement of rape culture. I believe, however, that a new idea can emerge from the culmination of all of these readings: why, if rape is such an epidemic, does the school restrict its investigation to simply an academic setting? Why aren't the police involved, if this is such a heinous crime of an exponential magnitude? Questions like these could help the university streamline how it handles sexual assault cases within its campus.
B. French, David. "The Campus-Rape Lie." Academic Search Elite [EBSCO]. N.p., 6 July 2015. Web.
This was an interesting read, to say the least. French combats the attack on campus assailants with an arsenal of counter-statistics and logic. He argues that there is no 'rape crisis' or even a 'rape culture', There is simply a large number of radicals 'Lefts' who are jumping on the rape epidemic bandwagon as a new source of passionate activism. French explains how largely-cited statistics are not reliable and that true numbers related to campus rape are far lower than widely advertised. In addition, he advocates for innocent male victims who are denied due process and charged with sexual crimes that ruin careers and lives-- on the basis of preponderance of evidence, as often decided by school staff.
This article was written with passion, and even if I cannot fully agree with its content, I respect the argumentative nature of the author. I think that it's important to take much of what French is saying with a grain of salt. Many of his points are dual-ended, with him only exploring one side (perhaps because he feels that liberal media has done a sufficient job with the other viewpoints; nonetheless...). For example, French states that there is no rape crisis because there's been a consistent decline in reported assaults since 1997 (31). Just because there's a decrease, however, doesn't mean a problem has disappeared; the crime is still being committed. Many of statistics stem from very blurry lines on exactly what crime they are addressing. Although all are sexual crimes, rape, sexual assault, harassment, or misconduct, dating violence, sodomy- all of these distinctions affect the statistics. Actual rape (by the legal definition) may not be as frequently committed as sexual misconduct; thus some statistics can be used more favorably than others. Another arguing point that French spun concerned the famous "1 in 5" statistic, stating that nearly 20% of women will be sexually assaulted during their undergraduate college career. This is commonly cited in awareness campaigns across campuses. French points out that the own administrators of this study warn against using the statistic to draw any conclusions. The study was given to only two colleges and was administered online, without many guidelines. The Department of Justice produced a more reliable and more valid survey that produced a statistic of 6.1 rapes per 1,000-- this, however, did not include other sexual crimes, whereas the previous study did.
Although this article doesn't fully expand properly on several points, it does start a good conversation. It must be difficult for university administrators to dance the delicate line between serving justice to both the alleged victims and the accused, especially when governmental agencies are demanding crackdowns left and right. Is this really the university's job though? It is certainly important for universities to do all they can to prevent such an atrocity from happening to its students; but once the crime has been committed, shouldn't higher, more fit authorities become involved? The previous articles would dismiss this text as a manifestation of men's rights and the endorsement of rape culture. I believe, however, that a new idea can emerge from the culmination of all of these readings: why, if rape is such an epidemic, does the school restrict its investigation to simply an academic setting? Why aren't the police involved, if this is such a heinous crime of an exponential magnitude? Questions like these could help the university streamline how it handles sexual assault cases within its campus.
Brittany Kurtz Source 3
A. It's obvious that sexual assault on campus is an issue- but how exactly can the university take a stronger lead on preventing it?
B. Richardson, Bradford, and Jon A. Shields. "The Real Campus Sexual Assault Problem- And How to Fix It." Academic Search Complete [EBSCO]. N.p., Oct. 2015. Web.
After revising and simplifying my search while doing research, I finally found a helpful piece of work. Up until now, I had been spending far too much time trying to do far too much. My process was too complicated, my thesis too broad. Instead of working to identify factors that contribute to sexual assault on campus, I've now morphed my focus towards assessing how universities are addressing sexual assault and if they're successful in doing so. From there, I can synthesize a contribution to the conversation. To begin this process, I simplified my search to the bare minimum: "campus sexual assault". Lo and behold, the first article to appear was the exact one I'd been searching for this whole time. Real Campus Sexual Assault aimed to pinpoint implemented structures at different universities to determine assault rates at aforementioned universities, focusing specifically on students who lived on-campus. It discovered that campuses with stricter regulations such as those regarding 'dry' campuses, curfews, and overnight visitors reported lower assault rates than those that did not strictly regulate any or all of those social factors. The authors go forward to argue that "social limits and limits on alcohol" are the way to go if universities truly want to address the 'rape culture' that seems to thrive on their campuses. They explain that allowing students such unbridled freedom, especially so early on in their newly found 'adulthood', sacrifices student safety (on more than just the sexual level) in the name of sexual revolution.
This article contains the information that I had been hoping to find. I'm relieved to know that some research has been done that reveals the impact that certain factors have on sexual assault. It's interesting to note that in the first articles I read, nothing was said about the role that social regulations play in this situation. They focused on the role of the university as: 1) an educator, failing to educate students on what constitutes sexual assault and 2) a protector of students, failing to protect students from threats within school grounds. This is a new perspective on the issue. No matter where they're coming from, however, all three article say something in common: the school system is failing its students. But how can it improve?
Perhaps the university does need to focus more proactively on prevention rather than education; after all, the majority of rapists and sexual assault perpetrators display antisocial and narcissistic personalities (29) -- education won't easily change that. In addition, alcohol plays such a huge role in college sexual assaults. As many as 76% of college rapists confess to using alcohol to intoxicate their victim (29). Enforcing social rules, even if they do seem unfairly conservative or anti-progressive, would certainly help to combat that last statistic by removing students from potentially unsafe environments. To address the topic of education/prevention: perhaps educating students on the role one can have as a bystander could be of use? Educating both men and women on how sexual assault is defined, as well as on how to prevent this crime from being committed against oneself or those around would also be beneficial.
B. Richardson, Bradford, and Jon A. Shields. "The Real Campus Sexual Assault Problem- And How to Fix It." Academic Search Complete [EBSCO]. N.p., Oct. 2015. Web.
After revising and simplifying my search while doing research, I finally found a helpful piece of work. Up until now, I had been spending far too much time trying to do far too much. My process was too complicated, my thesis too broad. Instead of working to identify factors that contribute to sexual assault on campus, I've now morphed my focus towards assessing how universities are addressing sexual assault and if they're successful in doing so. From there, I can synthesize a contribution to the conversation. To begin this process, I simplified my search to the bare minimum: "campus sexual assault". Lo and behold, the first article to appear was the exact one I'd been searching for this whole time. Real Campus Sexual Assault aimed to pinpoint implemented structures at different universities to determine assault rates at aforementioned universities, focusing specifically on students who lived on-campus. It discovered that campuses with stricter regulations such as those regarding 'dry' campuses, curfews, and overnight visitors reported lower assault rates than those that did not strictly regulate any or all of those social factors. The authors go forward to argue that "social limits and limits on alcohol" are the way to go if universities truly want to address the 'rape culture' that seems to thrive on their campuses. They explain that allowing students such unbridled freedom, especially so early on in their newly found 'adulthood', sacrifices student safety (on more than just the sexual level) in the name of sexual revolution.
This article contains the information that I had been hoping to find. I'm relieved to know that some research has been done that reveals the impact that certain factors have on sexual assault. It's interesting to note that in the first articles I read, nothing was said about the role that social regulations play in this situation. They focused on the role of the university as: 1) an educator, failing to educate students on what constitutes sexual assault and 2) a protector of students, failing to protect students from threats within school grounds. This is a new perspective on the issue. No matter where they're coming from, however, all three article say something in common: the school system is failing its students. But how can it improve?
Perhaps the university does need to focus more proactively on prevention rather than education; after all, the majority of rapists and sexual assault perpetrators display antisocial and narcissistic personalities (29) -- education won't easily change that. In addition, alcohol plays such a huge role in college sexual assaults. As many as 76% of college rapists confess to using alcohol to intoxicate their victim (29). Enforcing social rules, even if they do seem unfairly conservative or anti-progressive, would certainly help to combat that last statistic by removing students from potentially unsafe environments. To address the topic of education/prevention: perhaps educating students on the role one can have as a bystander could be of use? Educating both men and women on how sexual assault is defined, as well as on how to prevent this crime from being committed against oneself or those around would also be beneficial.
Tuesday, May 10, 2016
Brittany Kurtz Source 2
A. What roles do the university as an institution play in regard to sexual assault?
B. Parnitzke Smith, Carly, and Jennifer J. Freyd. "Dangerous Safe Havens: Institutional Betrayal Exacerbates Sexual Trauma." Wiley Online Library. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 16 Feb. 2013. Web.
This article explored one of the roles that the university plays as far as sexual assault is concerned. The contributors explain how trauma resulting from interpersonal abuse (including sexual harassment, and assault) has been shown to often produce far more severe and long-lasting damage to the health and disposition of victims. They go on to state that institutions often cultivate interpersonal relationships that build on promises of trust, care, and safety to those involved. These interpersonal relationships are often very similar to those involving partners, relatives, and close friends; therefore, so are their consequences when those promises of well-being are disturbed.This is termed "institutional betrayal" and especially relevant to students who are assaulted on campus property (for example, residence halls), assaulted while participating in Greek Life, or assaulted by students or professors of the university in question. Institutions discussed in the article are notably those residing at the military and university level. The women surveyed and involved in this study belong to a northwestern university, making the information gathered pertinent.
I thought it was interesting to explore the role of the university through this perspective: as having the same interpersonal role as close loved ones. In the sense of sexual assault, however, this makes perfect sense. It is, after all, the university extends to its students the opportunity for living/ working conditions that should, in theory, be of an appropriate nature; I don't think it's unreasonable for that nature to entail reasonable protection from violent crimes, especially of this magnitude. This is particularly true for students who live in residence halls of the university. Any sort of sexual violence is a crime that involves cruelty against one of the most private and sacred parts of human nature: the self. The trauma experienced in this sort of crime is magnified when it is committed in the midst of perceived trust, whether trust from a partner or friend, or from a university. Both promise commitment and safety.
I want to further explore the role of the university in relation to sexual assault. I hope to find more information on the role of sexual education in sexual assault prevention. In the meantime, I thought that this was a good piece to help me more profoundly understand how universities impact assault on college campuses.
B. Parnitzke Smith, Carly, and Jennifer J. Freyd. "Dangerous Safe Havens: Institutional Betrayal Exacerbates Sexual Trauma." Wiley Online Library. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 16 Feb. 2013. Web.
This article explored one of the roles that the university plays as far as sexual assault is concerned. The contributors explain how trauma resulting from interpersonal abuse (including sexual harassment, and assault) has been shown to often produce far more severe and long-lasting damage to the health and disposition of victims. They go on to state that institutions often cultivate interpersonal relationships that build on promises of trust, care, and safety to those involved. These interpersonal relationships are often very similar to those involving partners, relatives, and close friends; therefore, so are their consequences when those promises of well-being are disturbed.This is termed "institutional betrayal" and especially relevant to students who are assaulted on campus property (for example, residence halls), assaulted while participating in Greek Life, or assaulted by students or professors of the university in question. Institutions discussed in the article are notably those residing at the military and university level. The women surveyed and involved in this study belong to a northwestern university, making the information gathered pertinent.
I thought it was interesting to explore the role of the university through this perspective: as having the same interpersonal role as close loved ones. In the sense of sexual assault, however, this makes perfect sense. It is, after all, the university extends to its students the opportunity for living/ working conditions that should, in theory, be of an appropriate nature; I don't think it's unreasonable for that nature to entail reasonable protection from violent crimes, especially of this magnitude. This is particularly true for students who live in residence halls of the university. Any sort of sexual violence is a crime that involves cruelty against one of the most private and sacred parts of human nature: the self. The trauma experienced in this sort of crime is magnified when it is committed in the midst of perceived trust, whether trust from a partner or friend, or from a university. Both promise commitment and safety.
I want to further explore the role of the university in relation to sexual assault. I hope to find more information on the role of sexual education in sexual assault prevention. In the meantime, I thought that this was a good piece to help me more profoundly understand how universities impact assault on college campuses.
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